By Spencer Ackerman | Wired.com | January 14, 2013 | [Original Article]
The man in
charge of America’s drone wars will face Senate questioning about
perhaps their most controversial aspect: when the president can target
American citizens for death.
Sen. Ron Wyden
(D-Ore.) sent a letter on Monday to John Brennan, the White House’s
counterterrorism adviser and nominee to be head of the CIA, asking for
an outline of the legal and practical rules that underpin the U.S.
government’s targeted killing of American citizens suspected of working
with al-Qaida. The Obama administration has repeatedly resisted
disclosing any such information about its so-called “disposition matrix”
targeting terrorists, especially where it concerns possible American
targets. Brennan reportedly oversees that matrix from his White House
perch, and would be responsible for its execution at CIA director.
“How much
evidence does the President need to determine that a particular American
can be lawfully killed?” Wyden, a member of the Senate intelligence
committee, asks in the letter, acquired by Danger Room. “Does the
President have to provide individual Americans with the opportunity to
surrender before killing them?”
Wyden’s
questions about the targeted-killing effort get specific. He wants to
know how the administration determines when it is “not feasible” to
capture American citizens suspected of terrorism; if the administration
considers its authority to order such killings inherent in its
Constitutional war powers or embedded in the 2001 Authorization to Use
Military Force; and if the intelligence agencies can “carry out lethal
operations inside the United States.” Wyden also expresses “surprise and
dismay” that the intelligence agencies haven’t provided him with a
complete list of countries in which they’ve killed people in the war on
terrorism, which he says “reflects poorly on the Obama administration’s
commitment to cooperation with congressional oversight.”
Thus far,
senators on the intelligence panel have been more concerned about
Brennan’s possible role in national-security information leaks and the
CIA’s post-9/11 torture program than in using Brennan’s nomination to
peer into the decision-making surrounding Obama’s counterterrorism
strikes. Wyden writes that it is “critically important” for Congress to
understand “how the executive branch understands the limits and
boundaries of this authority.”
In September
2011, a U.S. missile strike in Yemen killed Anwar al-Awlaki, al-Qaida’s
most prominent English-language propagandist and an American citizen.
Weeks later, another strike fired by a U.S. drone killed Awlaki’s
16-year old son, Abdulrahman.
The Obama
administration has never disclosed the evidence behind its claims that
the elder Awlaki posed such an imminent danger to Americans that
prompted killing him without due process of law, prompting a major
debate about the legality of the killing. (Administration officials have
said even less about the justification for killing the 16-year old
Abdulrahman al-Awlaki.) Members of the Awlaki family, the New York Times
and the American Civil Liberties Union have variously sued the
government for additional information about the strikes, all
unsuccessfully. Earlier this month, a federal judge in New York ruled
that the government was not required to disclose the legal analysis
undergirding the Awlaki targeting decisions, even as the judge herself
blasted the administration for embracing “certain actions that seem on
their face incompatible with our Constitution and laws, while keeping
the reasons for their conclusion a secret.”
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